MPC Hopes To Retain Trust Despite High Inflation
By NATASHA BRERETON OF DOW JONES NEWSWIRES
MANCHESTER, England -- The Bank of England is facing the biggest challenge to its credibility since it gained independence over monetary policy in 1997.
The BOE's Monetary Policy Committee is charged with keeping inflation at 2.0%. But for 41 months out of the past 50, price growth has been above that level, and the central bank admits it will continue to exceed its target until the end of next year.
That contrasts with the U.S., Japan and the euro zone, which have all recently flirted with consumer price deflation.
In its defense, the BOE cites a series of temporary factors that have kept the inflation rate high, even as the economy entered a deep recession, and then began a sluggish recovery.
They include high commodity prices, rising import prices as a result of sterling's depreciation, and increases in the sales tax. Indeed, a further hike in the latter to 20% from 17.5% at the start of 2011 is one reason why the inflation rate won't fall back to target in the early months of next year.
Charles Goodhart, a professor at the London School of Economics and a former member of the MPC, said "everybody appreciates that's a one-off that the Bank is not really going to be held responsible for."
But he added that the BOE is running out of excuses.
"Nevertheless, they really have been saying too often "We're going to get it down within the next two years," and if they don't get it down by the end of 2011, a lot of fairly nasty questions will start to be asked," he said.
The central bank seems aware of its vulnerability.
In his opening statement at the quarterly Inflation Report in August, King felt the need to preempt questions on whether the BOE was serious about keeping price growth at 2.0%.
"Over the past three years, inflation has been volatile and above the target for much of the time. That does not mean that the MPC has taken its eye off the inflation ball, nor has gone soft on inflation. We have not," King stressed.
Speaking at the Trades Union Congress in Manchester Wednesday--the first appearance by a BOE governor in over a decade--King turned on the charm, talking of the injustice of banks being bailed out by the taxpayer while workers suffered.
But inflation was conspicuously off the agenda.
"We at the Bank of England and you in the trade union movement should work together," King said. "It will require patience and determination on all our parts, including your members. But the prize of restoring and maintaining economic stability--and a return to sustained rises in employment and living standards--will be worth the effort."
In the euro zone, the European Central Bank speaks explicitly about a contract with the unions, whereby policymakers keep inflation low, and workers don't demand unreasonable pay awards.
While the BOE doesn't use the language of social partners and solidarity that is common in continental Europe, its success in controlling inflation over the longer term is just as dependent on winning and keeping the trust of the general public.
The existence of an inflation target is supposed to reassure workers that prices will on average rise at that moderate pace every year. In turn, the BOE hopes that workers will not demand big pay rises that are intended to cushion them against unpredictable surges in costs.
But if the inflation rate remains above target for a long period of time, the danger is that workers will lose faith in the central bank, and start to demand much larger wage increases.
The official union view is polite and understanding.
"Trade unions know that if the bank was to get tough on inflation, that would mean higher interest rates, which would reduce economic growth and increase unemployment," said Nigel Stanley, head of campaigns at the TUC.
That "would be extremely bad news for people at work and in many ways make it even less likely that unions could bargain for higher pay increases to keep up with inflation. It would probably be a loss-loss game."
But in the audience, workers were feeling the pinch.
Richard Jacques, a secretary from England's East Midlands, said he was angered that King had the "audacity" to come to preach to the unions.
"He's making the pound worthless in our pocket," Jacques said. "The cost of a loaf of bread, the cost of petrol. Yet we as workers are expected to take a pay cut in real terms. We still have to drive our car; we still have to buy the petrol to drive it; we still have to feed our kids. And we are not supposed to go on strike apparently."
There are some signs that workers are beginning to assume that inflation will be high in the future.
A quarterly poll released by the Bank of England Thursday showed the U.K. public expected prices would increase by 3.4% over the next 12 months, up from 3.3% in May and marking the highest rate since August 2008.
In contrast, longer-term inflation expectations--which the central bank watches more closely--have been relatively stable, and private and public sector pay growth has been subdued.
For one former MPC member, the BOE has not yet lost the public's trust.
"The issues for credibility are how well the central bank is able to communicate why inflation is volatile and how it is setting policy to get inflation back to target," says Kate Barker, who worked at the BOE for nine years until this summer.
"While the period of above-target inflation poses some risk to credibility, the indications from most measures of inflation expectations are that so far this risk has been managed successfully," she said.
---By Natasha Brereton, Dow Jones Newswires; +44 20 7842 9254; natasha.brereton@dowjones.com
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The TUC faces a prospect that it hasn't seen for the best part of a century - that of cutbacks equal to those of the 1920s, according to an unnamed Tory minister quoted by Andrew Rawnsley in yesterday's Observer newspaper.
This anonymous minister, who is apparently that unusual beast, a Tory with some understanding of history, remarked to Mr Rawnsley that there hadn't been a spending squeeze like the one now in prospect since the Geddes cuts in the 1920s. These were also implemented by a Tory-Liberal coalition and came near to wrecking the economy. Sound familiar?
His observations are given added point by the emergence of the intention of Chancellor George Osborne to cut back £2.5 billion from the budget for sickness and disability benefits, adding to the already huge burden on those least able to bear it in this society, the sick and the disabled.
Recent delegates to Congress & I was one of them, will undoubtedly react to this bombshell with fury, coming on top of revelations earlier last week that Mr Osborne intends to add another £4bn to the £11bn welfare cutbacks that he announced in the June Budget.
These horrendous cuts will not only affect those too sick to work, the 2.5 million already out of a job or the 150,000 identified by a GMB study as at risk because of government cutbacks. They will also threaten nearly a quarter of a million who will lose their jobs in the private sector because of the knock-on effects of cuts in the public sector. And that's only the immediate aftermath of the coming comprehensive spending review.
Should that review herald the double-dip recession that will almost certainly be the result of its strictures, the prospects of a slump to parallel the Great Depression in its effects on Britain are ominous indeed.
The coalition obsession with cutbacks makes it almost impossible to avoid such a catastrophe if wiser voices don't prevail and curtail the wild excesses which the Tories and Lib Dems are contemplating. But where are those voices to come from?
Certainly not from new Labour, whose efforts in opposition have varied from weak to virtually non-existent.
And any new leader of the Labour Party will have to be utterly determined to change the existing direction of the party if it is to become an opposition capable of attracting public support against the wreckers of the coalition.
It's doubtful that any of the existing candidates would have the strength to do so, given the supine and spineless character of the parliamentary party at the moment.
So Congress delegates face a huge task. They must commit the TUC to a course of radical socialist reform designed to force a change in the entire direction of Labour's poisonous recent past. They must turn a union organisation that has grown comfortable with respectability and phoney "moderation" into a fighting force capable of driving the Labour Party and the whole movement forward to defend and extend the rights of working people in the face of a ruling-class offensive without parallel in recent history.
And they must do it inside an organisation which is also unsure of its power, facing a drastic decline in membership and a resulting drop in self-confidence. There is only one way to do that and that is to move the organisation into action and into struggle, to confront the capitalist Con-Dem coalition at every opportunity and to lead working people into victories that will increase their confidence and TUC membership atthe same time. It's a prospect that few will relish and even fewer will face confident of success.
But it's the only way forward unless we are to live through a crisis that will set working people back generations.
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